Three Gorges Dam
EnergyThe world's largest hydropower station by installed capacity, at 22.5 GW, and the main flood-control structure on the Yangtze.
After more than a century of rule by France, Algerians fought through much of the 1950s to achieve independence in 1962. Algeria's primary political party, the National Liberation Front (FLN), was established in 1954 as part of the struggle for independence and has largely dominated politics since. The Government of Algeria in 1988 instituted a multi-party system in response to public unrest, but the surprising first round success of the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) in the December 1991 balloting led the Algerian army to intervene and postpone the second round of elections to prevent what the secular elite feared would be an extremist-led government from assuming power. …
The National Infrastructure Index maps the physical assets national life runs on — power stations and grids, water systems, ports, railways and airports, data networks, payment systems and launch sites. Each asset is placed in a Strategic Infrastructure capability group, so it can be read against the ratings in the National Capability index above.
Assets are chosen for how much of the economy and state depends on them and how hard they would be to replace. Each card records what the asset is, the category it belongs to, what it does and where it is.
Example assets. These twenty cards are modelled on China's most critical infrastructure and show on every nation page until each nation's own assets are mapped.
The world's largest hydropower station by installed capacity, at 22.5 GW, and the main flood-control structure on the Yangtze.
A 16 GW dam on the Jinsha River, built around sixteen 1 GW turbines, the largest single units in service.
A ±1,100 kV direct-current line carrying 12 GW more than 3,000 km from Xinjiang's power bases to the eastern grid.
China's first large commercial nuclear plant, in service since 1994, with much of its output sold to Hong Kong.
A canal carrying Yangtze basin water more than 1,400 km north from the Danjiangkou Reservoir to Beijing and Tianjin.
The 1,318 km trunk line between the two largest cities, opened in 2011 and one of the busiest high-speed routes in the world.
The world's busiest container port since 2010, including the automated Yangshan deep-water terminals.
The world's largest port by cargo tonnage, handling iron ore, crude oil and coal for the eastern industrial belt.
The capital's second international hub, opened in 2019 around one of the largest single terminal buildings in the world.
A 55 km bridge and undersea tunnel system linking the western and eastern shores of the Pearl River Delta, opened in 2018.
The 1,956 km line from Xining to Lhasa, crossing the Tanggula Pass at 5,072 m, the highest railway in the world.
One of eight national data centre hubs under the East Data, West Computing programme, hosting major cloud providers.
A 2,000 km quantum key distribution trunk line through Jinan and Hefei, completed in 2017 for secure government and bank links.
CIPS clears and settles cross-border payments in renminbi, launched in 2015 to extend the currency's international reach.
The coastal launch site for Long March 5 heavy-lift rockets, used for the Tiangong station modules and lunar and Mars missions.
China's first launch site, founded in 1958 in the Gobi Desert, and the base for every crewed Shenzhou mission.
The national satellite navigation system, providing global positioning and timing since 2020 from its Beijing control segment.
The world's largest known rare-earth deposit and the core of China's rare-earth mining and refining supply chain.
A weir and channel system built around 256 BC that still irrigates much of the Chengdu Plain's farmland.
China's leading maker of 3D NAND flash memory, central to the drive for a domestic semiconductor supply.
The National Development Index tracks the events that move a nation's capability — policy decisions, technological milestones, economic turns and external shocks — and places each one on the record with the date it happened and what followed from it. It is the narrative counterpart to the indices: where a rating says where Algeria stands, the index says how it arrived there.
Recent developments cover the current cycle, close enough that their consequences are still unfolding. Historical developments are the inflection points behind the present position — the decisions and events a reader needs in order to read the ratings above in context.
Tools in styles similar to those of the Levant were produced in the region. Algeria became the site of the highest development of Middle Palaeolithic flake tool techniques.
From around 30,000 BC, distinctive flake tools known as Aterian were produced in Algeria, named after the site of Bir el Ater south of Tébessa. This marked Algeria's role as a centre of Middle Palaeolithic technological development.
Blade-making traditions centred mainly on the Oran region diffused throughout the coastal Maghreb. They represent the earliest such industries recorded in North Africa.
Neolithic civilisation, involving animal domestication and agriculture, developed in the Saharan and Mediterranean Maghreb perhaps as early as 11,000 BC or as late as 6000–2000 BC. This way of life, depicted in the Tassili n'Ajjer paintings, predominated until the classical period and underlay the coalescence of the Berber population.
Expanding from Carthage, the Carthaginians founded small coastal settlements that served as market towns and anchorages. They avoided conquering the interior Berber tribes, instead collecting tribute and trading in metals, slaves and cavalry, spreading Carthaginian cultural influence inland.
From the sixth century BC the Magonid dynasty made Carthage more expansionist, partly through rivalry with the Greeks. Conflict in Sicily in 580 BC marked this shift and increased Carthaginian pressure on the indigenous population.
By the fifth century BC Berber societies had developed mixed farming and pastoral economies, advanced manufacturing, trade and political organisation. By the third century BC two major kingdoms existed, the Masaesyli and the Massyli.
After Roman support and a key role at the Battle of Zama against Hannibal, Masinissa defeated his western rivals including Syphax and united the Berber lands from Tabarka to the Moulouya, with its capital at Cirta. He promoted agriculture and built a strong army and navy, making Numidia a high point of Berber civilisation.
Rome built local alliances in North Africa, notably with Masinissa against Carthage, then gradually tightened control by making Numidia a protectorate and dividing it. Later Berber client kings such as Juba I ruled diminished territories; Juba I supported Pompey and was defeated by Caesar at Thapsus in 46 BC.
Masinissa's grandson reunified Numidia by ruthless means after succession struggles following Masinissa's death in 148 BC, but antagonised Rome through conflict and the massacre of Roman citizens at Cirta. Despite brilliant resistance he was defeated and captured in 106 BC after betrayal by Bocchus of Mauretania.
The cultured scholar Juba II, husband of Cleopatra Selene, ruled central Algeria and Morocco as a Roman client until about AD 23, bringing a period of prosperity. His reign marked the last flourishing of indigenous client monarchy before direct Roman rule.
After Caligula executed Juba II's son Ptolemy in AD 40 and a Berber revolt followed, Rome ended the client kingdoms and divided the territory into Mauretania Caesariensis, Mauretania Tingitana and Africa Proconsularis. Direct rule reorganised administration and deepened Roman integration of local elites.
The Severan dynasty was of African origin, and Macrinus, born at Caesarea (modern Cherchell) around 165, became Praetorian Prefect, assassinated Caracalla in 217 and ruled about fifteen months. At its height 90 of 600 Roman senators came from North Africa, showing the region's integration into imperial power.
Christianity took root in the region, its most prominent Berber figures being Saint Augustine, bishop of Hippo Regius, and his mother Saint Monica. The faith declined rapidly among Berbers once associated with Roman exploitation, especially after the suppression of the Donatist movement.
Vandal conquest terminated Roman rule, and most of Algeria reverted to Berber tribal authority. Under Genseric the Vandal Kingdom repelled Byzantine expeditions in 460 and 468, and a peace treaty in 474 brought decades of stability.
Seeking to restore the Roman Empire, Justinian dispatched a large fleet under Belisarius, which defeated the Vandals in two battles, occupied Carthage and captured King Gelimer. Many Vandals were enslaved or expelled and Byzantine rule was established over Byzacena, Proconsular Africa and Numidia.
Solomon defeated the Moorish tribes of the Aurès Mountains and reinforced control through an extensive fortification programme before dying in battle. General John Troglita later restored a fragile peace by granting significant autonomy to Moorish kingdoms such as the Mauro-Roman and Altava realms.
The powerful Byzantine governor exemplified a growing sense of local autonomy in North Africa. His independent coinage and relocation of the capital signalled the fraying of imperial control on the eve of the Arab conquest.
In three phases the Arab-Islamic expansion overcame Byzantine coastal territories and independent Berber kingdoms, with Abdallah ibn Saad's first invasion, Oqba ibn Nafi's founding of Kairouan in 670, and the decisive campaigns of Hassan ibn al-Nu'man and Musa ibn Nusayr. By 709 the entire Maghreb was under Umayyad control, transforming the region's religion, language and political order.
A Berber coalition destroyed the Arab commander's force and temporarily captured Kairouan before being defeated. The episode demonstrated the strength of indigenous resistance to the conquest.
Kahina initially defeated the Arab armies in the Aurès Mountains during the decisive phase of the conquest. Hassan ibn al-Nu'man returned with fresh troops, defeated and killed her around 697, clearing the way for the completion of the conquest; Carthage was recaptured and destroyed the same year.
The Berber general's crossing into Iberia followed the Islamisation of North Africa, and Berbers took an active part in raids into Europe as far as Lyon and Autun. Yet Berber converts were treated as second-class non-Arabs, and Umayyad heavy taxation drove many towards Kharijite movements and revolt.
The Kharijite emirate in central Algeria at its peak stretched from Tlemcen to Tripoli and prospered through trans-Saharan trade. Pressed by the Aghlabids and Idrisids and by internal Ibadi rebellions, it was destroyed by the Fatimids in 909, after which the Ibadis settled in the M'zab.
The Ismaili missionary arrived around 900, won over the Kutama Berbers near Sétif, organised them militarily and toppled the Aghlabid dynasty. He then freed Ubayd Allah al-Mahdi, who declared himself Caliph in 910, founding the Fatimid Caliphate in Ifriqiya.
Under al-Mu'izz, the general Jawhar al-Siqilli conquered Egypt in 969 and founded Cairo and al-Azhar University; the capital was transferred in 971. The North African empire they built, holding Sicily and raiding Italy, was unrivalled until the Almoravids and Almohads.
Appointed Fatimid governor over Ifriqiya and the central Maghreb after the move to Egypt, the Sanhaja Berber leader ruled from Achir and then al-Mansuriyya. He founded Algiers, Médéa and Miliana in 950s–970s, making central Algeria politically important, and expanded his authority across Algeria and briefly much of Morocco.
A Zirid branch broke away and ruled from Qal'at Bani Hammad, later Béjaïa, which became a prosperous city of scholars, poets and architects. The Hammadids built a strong navy and promoted agriculture, industry and trade before internal divisions, Almoravid attacks and Genoese raids weakened them.
The Zirids cut ties with the Shia Fatimids and adopted Sunni Islam. In retaliation the Fatimids unleashed the Banu Hilal and Banu Sulaym tribes, whose invasion devastated the region, especially Kairouan, and hastened Zirid fragmentation.
The Sanhaja movement founded by Abd Allah ibn Yasin and led by Yusuf ibn Tashfin made Marrakesh its capital in 1062 and extended rule over much of Algeria. They strengthened Maliki Islam and brought Andalusian cultural influence to the Maghreb before being overthrown by the Almohads, who took Marrakesh in 1147.
The first Almohad Caliph unified the region for the first time, capturing Béjaïa, Algiers and Qal'at Bani Hammad and finally defeating the Hammadids in 1152. The empire peaked under Abu Yaqub Yusuf and Yaqub al-Mansur, patrons of Ibn Rushd and Ibn Tufayl, before defeat at Las Navas de Tolosa in 1212 and internal division broke it apart by the mid-13th century.
The Zanata Berber dynasty ruled the central Maghrib until 1550 through 27 rulers, with an administration of qadis and wazirs. Tlemcen flourished on trans-Saharan trade in leather, precious metals and slaves and became a theological and intellectual hub, though the kingdom was squeezed between Marinids and Hafsids and its last rulers became Spanish then Ottoman vassals.
The corsair brothers seized Algiers with local support against Spanish encroachment following the fall of Granada in 1492 and placed the territory under Ottoman protection. Though nominally loyal to the sultan, the Regency became a highly autonomous imperial state dominated by janissaries, corsair captains and the divan, and is regarded by many Algerian historians as the first Algerian state.
The failure of major European expeditions left Algiers wealthy and heavily fortified, and the Casbah was built in this period. The Regency became one of the Mediterranean's major naval powers in the 16th and 17th centuries, its economy resting on privateering, ransom, tribute, manufacturing, agriculture and trade.
The 1659 coup marked a further shift of power towards local military elites, and the era of the deys began in 1671. Authority rested with the janissary corps and the corsair ta'ifa, with the dey ruling through negotiation, a system historians have called a military republic.
European naval superiority, the decline of corsair warfare after the Napoleonic era, internal unrest and repeated bombardments eroded the Regency's power. The Barbary Wars and the Anglo-Dutch bombardment compelled concessions to the United States and European states.
During a dispute over debts and grain payments the dey struck France's consul, sharply worsening relations. France used the episode as its pretext for invasion three years later.
An expeditionary force landed near Algiers in June 1830 and toppled the Ottoman-era regency within weeks, terminating more than three centuries of Regency existence, though resistance continued in Constantine under Ahmed Bey until 1837. The invasion opened 132 years of colonial rule and immediate, sustained Algerian resistance; historians estimate several hundred thousand Algerians died over the following decades of conquest, though no precise figure is agreed.
In western Algeria Abdelkader organised a genuine state and led fierce resistance, surrendering in 1847 after years of war marked by ruthless French razzias. He remains Algeria's greatest national hero and his struggle deeply inspired later Algerian nationalism.
Algeria was assimilated as departments of France yet governed by a governor-general and institutions strongly favouring European settlers, the colons or Pied-Noirs. The European population exceeded 100,000 by 1848 and reached 244,600 by 1872, while the Muslim majority was marginalised and impoverished.
By mid-1870 warfare, disease and starvation had reduced the indigenous population by as much as a third, while mass European settlement displaced local communities. French losses from 1831 to 1851 were 92,329 dead in hospital and 3,336 killed in action.
Following earlier Kabyle revolts in the 1850s, the 1871 uprising was brutally suppressed and followed by massive land expropriation. Ben Kiernan records that by 1875 the French conquest was complete, with roughly 825,000 indigenous Algerians killed since 1830.
The oldest Algerian university offers law, medicine, science and letters. It heads a system that by 2008 comprised 26 universities and 67 higher education institutions.
Health records have been maintained since 1882, with Muslims living in the south added to the vital records database in 1905. The system laid foundations for later public health administration.
After the Franco-Prussian War the Third Republic had firmly established settler dominance, reinforced by figures such as Eugène Étienne. The 1898 settler uprising secured greater autonomy for the administration in Algiers, entrenching colon power over an economy dominated by vineyards at the expense of food production.
The population stood at approximately 4 million at the outset of the 20th century and an estimated 47.4 million in 2024. The country also hosts between 90,000 and 165,000 Sahrawi refugees and more than 4,000 Palestinian refugees.
Although invaded in 1830 and annexed in 1848, Algeria was not fully conquered and pacified until 1903. The long campaign entrenched French military and settler control over the whole territory.
Algerians fought for France with 25,000 dead and worked in French factories, but the promised reforms of the Jonnart Law of 1919 were largely undermined by settler opposition. The betrayal radicalised the nationalist movement, which had begun with the moderate, French-educated Jeunes Algériens.
Abdelkader's grandson led calls for wider political rights for Algerians and was expelled by the colonial authorities. His removal marked the limits of reformist politics within the colonial system.
The association of Muslim ulema promoted Arabic and an Algerian Islamic identity distinct from French assimilation. It became one of the principal currents of nationalism alongside Messali Hadj's ENA and PPA, which demanded outright independence.
The bill's failure ended Ferhat Abbas's faith in assimilationism and pushed moderate nationalists towards more radical demands. It confirmed that settler opposition would block reform from within the colonial framework.
Algeria came under Vichy control during the Second World War before the Allied landings, which saw the first large-scale deployment of American troops in the North African campaign. The wartime upheaval emboldened nationalists, and in 1943 Ferhat Abbas issued the Manifesto of the Algerian People demanding autonomy.
Security forces opened fire on independence marches on 8 May 1945, triggering weeks of reprisals. Death toll estimates range from about 6,000 to 30,000, and the events are widely seen as a catalyst for the later war of independence.
The statute's inadequacies further alienated the younger nationalist generation. Militants including Ahmed Ben Bella and Hocine Ait Ahmed broke away and formed the CRUA in 1953.
The historic leaders, including Ben Bella, Ait Ahmed, Bitat and Ben M'hidi, created the FLN out of the CRUA founded in 1953. The FLN prepared the country for the war of independence and set out its aims in the 1 November 1954 Proclamation and the 1956 Soummam Conference.
Coordinated FLN attacks across the country on the night of 31 October–1 November 1954 opened the war of independence, one of the most important Third World anti-colonial struggles, pursued through the FLN's military wing the ALN. France responded with force alongside social and economic measures under Mendès-France, Soustelle and Guy Mollet. Estimates of the total killed over the following eight years vary enormously, from around 400,000 to 1.5 million.
The brutal offensive dramatically escalated violence and provoked severe French reprisals. The French destroyed over 8,000 villages and relocated more than two million Algerians into camps.
The FLN turned to urban terrorism and bombings in the capital, and the French won a military victory at grave political cost as the use of torture became known. The conflict also featured fratricidal violence between the FLN and Messali Hadj's MNA, as at Mélouza.
Formed after de Gaulle's return to power, the GPRA gave the independence movement a governmental face and rejected his 'Peace of the Brave' ceasefire offer. De Gaulle then shifted towards self-determination, announced in 1959.
The renewable energy agenda includes 45 active solar projects worth a combined US$6.1 billion, against current generation of about 27 GW. Nine solar plants totalling 1,480 MW are to be commissioned by August 2026 in a first phase aimed at 3,200 MW, alongside the Ghar Djebilet solar station and the Adrar wind farm.
The 2 July 2026 election filled all 407 seats, but no party came close to the 204 needed for a majority. It followed months of anger over food prices and the dinar's depreciation during Ramadan.
The 1 May 2026 move extended zero-tariff access to the Chinese market for nearly all Algerian goods, part of a wider push by Beijing to deepen trade ties across Africa.
The two-day visit that began on 13 April 2026 opened Leo's four-country Africa tour and made him the first pontiff to set foot in the country, whose Christian population has dwindled to a small minority since independence.
Ali Aoun was sentenced to five years' imprisonment on 20 April 2026 over the irregular sale of ferrous and non-ferrous metal waste, part of a wider push against corruption among former officials.
Rising food prices during Ramadan in March 2026 triggered occasional violence in marketplaces, with the currency's depreciation squeezing household budgets despite government pledges to contain prices.
Two operations on 13 March 2026 near the Tunisian border also left three soldiers dead. The army regularly conducts sweeps against armed groups operating in Algeria's eastern border region.
Salah Eddine Taleb was removed as governor of the Bank of Algeria on 4 January 2026, with deputy governor Mouatassem Boudiaf named acting governor amid pressure on the dinar and public finances.
The 24 December 2025 vote declared French rule in Algeria from 1830 to 1962 a crime against humanity and demanded restitution, deepening a diplomatic rift with Paris over history and migration.
The French-Algerian novelist was released on 12 November 2025 after roughly eight months in custody. He had been jailed in March for remarks about Algeria's colonial-era borders that authorities deemed a threat to territorial integrity.
The 4 September 2025 filing concerned Algeria's downing of a Malian military drone near Tinzaouaten in March, an incident that had already prompted the Sahel states' alliance to recall its ambassadors from Algiers.
The 2024 report marked a turning point, admitting Algeria to the select club of upper-middle-income economies. Hydrocarbon revenues underpin large foreign currency reserves, though dependence leaves the budget vulnerable to price falls.
The 1,216-kilometre three-lane motorway links Annaba in the far east to Tlemcen in the far west, complementing Africa's densest road network of about 180,000 km. It represents a major national infrastructure achievement.
Under the deal Algeria was to send an extra 9 billion cubic metres of gas to Italy within a year and in 2024. Rome's move to secure large volumes prompted talks between Italian and Spanish diplomats amid concern in Madrid.
The measure marked a shift in language policy in a state that emerged bilingual after 1962 and Arabised instruction from 1972. Francophone use has declined, estimated at 33 per cent of the population in 2022 against 60 per cent understanding French in 2013.
The rupture followed long-running tensions over Western Sahara that had already stalled the Arab Maghreb Union. It marked a further deterioration in Maghreb regional cooperation.
The independent candidate won the first round with the highest abstention of any presidential election since 1989, and is accused of closeness to the military and loyalty to the deposed president. He won a second term in September 2024 with 84.3 per cent of the vote, a result his opponents called fraudulent.
Weekly Hirak demonstrations that began on 22 February 2019 against Bouteflika's bid for a fifth presidential term forced him to step down on 2 April 2019 after 20 years in power, and also brought down military intelligence chief Mohamed Mediène. The April election was postponed and eventually held in December, and the military-backed transition retained much of the existing power structure despite the protests.
Parliament was expected to revise the constitution in 2014, part of the gradual reform agenda announced in response to the Arab Spring.
Political protest activity remained low in 2013, but small and sometimes violent demonstrations over jobs, housing and public services continued to be a common occurrence.
Parliamentary elections in May 2012 and municipal and provincial elections in November 2012 saw continued dominance by the National Liberation Front, with Islamist opposition parties performing poorly.
The emergency imposed at the start of the civil war was ended amid the protest wave. Legislation followed on political parties, the electoral code and women's representation in elected bodies, though opposition groups continued to call elections unfair.
The breakup of Sudan in 2011 made Algeria, at over 2,381,741 square kilometres, Africa's largest state and the tenth largest in the world. Its size underpins its strategic weight on the continent.
Sustained demonstrations echoed unrest across the Middle East and North Africa. In February and March 2011 the government offered more than $23 billion in public grants and retroactive salary and benefit increases, and Bouteflika promised constitutional and political reform in April 2011.
France accepted liability for those harmed by its Saharan nuclear testing programme. The agreement addressed one of the enduring grievances of the colonial period.
The change enabled Bouteflika to stand again, and he was re-elected in April 2009 on promises of a $150-billion spending programme for three million jobs, one million homes and infrastructure modernisation. Critics noted he had put loyalists in key posts, notably at Sonatrach, and made himself indefinitely re-electable.
The agreement covered 49 MiG-29SMT and 6 MiG-29UBT aircraft, while Russia also built two 636-type diesel submarines for Algeria. The purchases underlined Moscow's role as principal supplier to Algeria's forces, which numbered 147,000 active personnel in 2008.
The Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat merged with al-Qa'ida in 2006 to form al-Qa'ida in the Lands of the Islamic Maghreb, which launched an ongoing series of kidnappings and bombings targeting the Algerian government and Western interests.
Re-elected on a programme of national reconciliation and reform to modernise the country and raise living standards, Bouteflika won approval in a September 2005 referendum for a second amnesty. It offered amnesty to most guerrillas and to government security forces.
A constitutional amendment gave Amazigh the status of a national language. In February 2016 a further constitutional resolution made Berber an official language alongside Arabic.
The small Earth-observation satellite, built with UK support and launched on a Russian rocket in November 2002, was Algeria's first satellite and part of an international disaster-monitoring constellation.
The armed wing of the Islamic Salvation Front disbanded in January 2000 after the government gained the upper hand in the insurgency by the late 1990s.
Longstanding problems facing the Bouteflika era included large-scale unemployment, a shortage of housing, unreliable electrical and water supplies, government inefficiency and corruption, alongside the continuing activities of extremist militants.
Abdelaziz Bouteflika won the 1999 presidential election with military backing, a vote considered biased or fraudulent by international observers and most opposition groups, and worked to restore stability. His Civil Concord, approved by referendum and in force until 13 January 2000, pardoned many political prisoners and exempted thousands of militants from prosecution, though the GSPC splinter group fought on; he was re-elected in 2004 and won a third term overwhelmingly in 2009.
The announcement marked a turning point in the insurgency. The AIS later disbanded under the amnesty arrangements and insurgent violence fell rapidly.
The hijacking made the Algerian conflict a point of acute international concern. It epitomised the export of the civil war's violence beyond Algeria's borders.
The killing of one of the leading novelists of the 1980s exemplified the violence directed at intellectuals during the civil war. Algerian literature of the period bears the mark of that terrorism.
On 11 January 1992 the military-backed authorities annulled the legislative poll to block the Islamic Salvation Front from taking power; President Chadli Bendjedid resigned, a High Council of State assumed the presidency and the FIS was banned. The ensuing decade-long civil war between the Armed Islamic Group and the armed forces, marked by civilian massacres, killed anywhere from about 44,000 to more than 150,000 people.
The army's crackdown on the FIS spurred its supporters to attack government targets, and fighting escalated into an insurgency of intense violence from 1992 to 1998. More than 100,000 people died, many in indiscriminate massacres of villagers by extremists.
The FIS won the first of two rounds in Algeria's opening experiment with multi-party legislative democracy. Fear of an Islamist government prompted the authorities to intervene weeks later.
Forest area rose to around 1 per cent of total land, with 1,439,000 hectares naturally regenerating and 510,000 hectares planted in 2020. Algeria scored 5.22 out of 10 on the 2018 Forest Landscape Integrity Index, ranking 106th of 172 countries.
The regional body was created but has carried little practical weight. Tensions with Morocco over Western Sahara have obstructed any tightening of the union.
The government introduced multi-party politics in 1988 in response to widespread public unrest.
Algerian diplomats mediated between the United States and Iran, producing an agreement signed on 19 January 1981 that secured the release of 52 American hostages held in Tehran for 444 days.
The collapse in world oil prices exposed the economy's dependence on hydrocarbons and caused widespread social unrest. By the end of the decade Bendjedid conceded a multi-party system, allowing parties such as the Islamic Salvation Front to form.
Boumédiène's successor loosened economic controls while promoting Arabic in society and public life, bringing in teachers from other Muslim countries who spread conventional Islamic thought in schools. This sowed the seeds of a return to orthodox Islam.
Having nationalised oil extraction facilities, the Boumédiène leadership benefited greatly from the surge in international prices. The revenues funded state-led industrialisation but entrenched dependence on hydrocarbons.
President Houari Boumédiène's government took majority control of French-owned hydrocarbon operations on 24 February 1971, creating state firm Sonatrach as the foundation of Algeria's energy-dependent economy.
A centralised decree aimed at sharply reducing illiteracy required attendance for all able children, supported by facilities built since independence. Literacy is now around 92.6 per cent, and from 1972 Arabic became the language of instruction for the first nine years of schooling.
Membership of the oil producers' organisation aligned the country's petroleum policy with the cartel. Its economy has remained reliant on petroleum ever since.
Defence minister Houari Boumédiène seized power from his former ally President Ahmed Ben Bella on 19 June 1965, three years after independence, and ruled for the next 13 years. He deepened the socialist and authoritarian direction of the state, relying on the army and reducing the sole legal party to a symbolic role, collectivised agriculture, launched a massive industrialisation drive and nationalised oil extraction facilities.
Moroccan claims to portions of western Algeria produced open conflict shortly after independence. The dispute set a lasting pattern of rivalry between the two states.
FLN unity broke down at once, with Ben Bella backed by the external ALN under Boumedienne marching on Algiers against Ben Khedda's GPRA. Mass demonstrations organised by the UGTA averted civil war and Ben Bella assumed the presidency of a dislocated state.
A referendum on 1 July 1962 recorded near-unanimous support for the Évian Accords negotiated with Charles de Gaulle's government, and Algeria became independent on 5 July 1962, ending 132 years of French rule. Independence followed a war Alistair Horne estimated cost around 700,000 Algerian lives and uprooted more than two million people; within months most of the one million Europeans living in Algeria had left for France, leaving the new state with massive displacement, economic collapse and deep social trauma.
After difficult negotiations the accords ended hostilities and provided for a referendum in which Algerians voted overwhelmingly for independence. They set the terms on which the Algerian state emerged.
The European exodus accelerated after the Oran massacre of 1962, in which many Europeans were killed in reprisal for OAS terror. Between 30,000 and 150,000 Harkis and their dependents were killed by the FLN or lynch mobs, and the sudden loss of settlers helped collapse the economy.
Settler and military opposition to self-determination culminated in an attempted coup, whose leaders later joined the terrorist OAS. The revolt's failure confirmed that Paris would negotiate Algerian independence.
After more than a century of rule by France, Algerians fought through much of the 1950s to achieve independence in 1962. Algeria's primary political party, the National Liberation Front (FLN), was established in 1954 as part of the struggle for independence and has largely dominated politics since. The Government of Algeria in 1988 instituted a multi-party system in response to public unrest, but the surprising first round success of the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) in the December 1991 balloting led the Algerian army to intervene and postpone the second round of elections to prevent what the secular elite feared would be an extremist-led government from assuming power. The army began a crackdown on the FIS that spurred FIS supporters to begin attacking government targets. Fighting escalated into an insurgency, which saw intense violence from 1992-98, resulting in over 100,000 deaths - many attributed to indiscriminate massacres of villagers by extremists. The government gained the upper hand by the late-1990s, and FIS's armed wing, the Islamic Salvation Army, disbanded in January 2000. Abdelaziz BOUTEFLIKA, with the backing of the military, won the presidency in 1999 in an election widely viewed as fraudulent. He was reelected to a second term in 2004 and overwhelmingly won a third term in 2009, after the government amended the constitution in 2008 to remove presidential term limits. Longstanding problems continue to face BOUTEFLIKA, including large-scale unemployment, a shortage of housing, unreliable electrical and water supplies, government inefficiencies and corruption, and the continuing activities of extremist militants. The Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat (GSPC) in 2006 merged with al-Qa'ida to form al-Qa'ida in the Lands of the Islamic Maghreb, which has launched an ongoing series of kidnappings and bombings targeting the Algerian Government and Western interests. The government in 2011 introduced some political reforms in response to the Arab Spring, including lifting the 19-year-old state of emergency restrictions and increasing women's quotas for elected assemblies. Parliamentary elections in May 2012 and municipal and provincial elections in November 2012 saw continued dominance by the FLN, with Islamist opposition parties performing poorly. Political protest activity in the country remained low in 2013, but small, sometimes violent socioeconomic demonstrations by disparate groups continued to be a common occurrence. Parliament in 2014 is expected to revise the constitution.
5 July 1962 (from France)
Revolution Day, 1 November (1954)
Northern Africa, bordering the Mediterranean Sea, between Morocco and Tunisia
28 00 N, 3 00 E
Africa
slightly less than 3.5 times the size of Texas
998 km
mostly high plateau and desert; some mountains; narrow, discontinuous coastal plain
petroleum, natural gas, iron ore, phosphates, uranium, lead, zinc
5,694 sq km (2003)
mountainous areas subject to severe earthquakes; mudslides and floods in rainy season
largest country in Africa
11.67 cu km (2011)
soil erosion from overgrazing and other poor farming practices; desertification; dumping of raw sewage, petroleum refining wastes, and other industrial effluents is leading to the pollution of rivers and coastal waters; Mediterranean Sea, in particular, becoming polluted from oil wastes, soil erosion, and fertilizer runoff; inadequate supplies of potable water
arid to semiarid; mild, wet winters with hot, dry summers along coast; drier with cold winters and hot summers on high plateau; sirocco is a hot, dust/sand-laden wind especially common in summer
Capability-group ratings for Critical Technology are part of the GINC National Capability Framework rather than the country factbook. They are published in the National Capability index, and the per-capability detail lives on the capability pages.
Clinical research and life-science invention, drawn from the same series that drive the metric pages. Each card opens the full cross-country comparison.
157 (2013)
3 (2013)
37.692 million (2012)
4.7 million (2009)
.dz
46.25 billion kWh (2011 est.)
33.68 billion kWh (2010 est.)
803 million kWh (2010 est.)
736 million kWh (2010 est.)
11.33 million kW (2010 est.)
97.5% of total installed capacity (2010 est.)
0% of total installed capacity (2010 est.)
2.5% of total installed capacity (2010 est.)
0% of total installed capacity (2010 est.)
1.875 million bbl/day (2012 est.)
1.097 million bbl/day (2010 est.)
6,400 bbl/day (2010 est.)
12.2 billion bbl (1 January 2013 est.)
571,400 bbl/day (2010 est.)
316,400 bbl/day (2011 est.)
471,900 bbl/day (2010 est.)
17,270 bbl/day (2010 est.)
82.76 billion cu m (2011 est.)
28.82 billion cu m (2010 est.)
52.02 billion cu m (2011 est.)
0 cu m (2011 est.)
4.504 trillion cu m (1 January 2013 est.)
117.2 million Mt (2011 est.)
3.2 million (2012)
676 (2012)
condensate 2,600 km; gas 16,415 km; liquid petroleum gas 3,447 km; oil 7,036 km; refined products 144 km (2013)
4.48% of GDP (2012)//4.36% of GDP (2011)//4.48% of GDP (2010)
17 is the legal minimum age for voluntary military service; 19-30 years of age for compulsory service; conscript service obligation is 18 months (6 months basic training, 12 months civil projects) (2012)
Active-duty strength on the Correlates of War series, which reaches back to 1816 and so carries a nation’s whole record of mobilisation rather than its present establishment. The card opens the full cross-country comparison.
People's National Army (Armee Nationale Populaire, ANP), Land Forces (Forces Terrestres, FT), Navy of the Republic of Algeria (Marine de la Republique Algerienne, MRA), Air Force (Al-Quwwat al-Jawwiya al-Jaza'eriya, QJJ), Territorial Air Defense Force (2009)
38,813,722 (July 2014 est.)
1.88% (2014 est.)
23.99 births/1,000 population (2014 est.)
4.31 deaths/1,000 population (2014 est.)
2.78 children born/woman (2014 est.)
-0.93 migrant(s)/1,000 population (2014 est.)
ALGIERS (capital) 2.916 million; Oran 783,000 (2011)
1.7 beds/1,000 population (2004)
16% (2008)
3.7% (2005)
Modelled share of working-age adults using generative AI, from Microsoft telemetry scaled to each country’s 15–64 population. A measure of how fast a workforce is absorbing the technology rather than of how much of it a nation builds. The card opens the full cross-country comparison.
23% (2006 est.)
97 deaths/100,000 live births (2010)
61.4% (2006)
3.9% of GDP (2011)
1.21 physicians/1,000 population (2007)
0.1%; note - no country specific models provided (2009 est.)
18,000 (2009 est.)
fewer than 1,000 (2009 est.)
4.3% of GDP (2008)
Algeria and many other states reject Moroccan administration of Western Sahara; the Polisario Front, exiled in Algeria, represents the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic; Algeria's border with Morocco remains an irritant to bilateral relations, each nation accusing the other of harboring militants and arms smuggling; dormant disputes include Libyan claims of about 32,000 sq km still reflected on its maps of southeastern Algeria and the National Liberation Front's (FLN) assertions of a claim to Chirac Pastures in southeastern Morocco
republic
48 provinces (wilayas, singular - wilaya); Adrar, Ain Defla, Ain Temouchent, Alger, Annaba, Batna, Bechar, Bejaia, Biskra, Blida, Bordj Bou Arreridj, Bouira, Boumerdes, Chlef, Constantine, Djelfa, El Bayadh, El Oued, El Tarf, Ghardaia, Guelma, Illizi, Jijel, Khenchela, Laghouat, Mascara, Medea, Mila, Mostaganem, M'Sila, Naama, Oran, Ouargla, Oum el Bouaghi, Relizane, Saida, Setif, Sidi Bel Abbes, Skikda, Souk Ahras, Tamanrasset, Tebessa, Tiaret, Tindouf, Tipaza, Tissemsilt, Tizi Ouzou, Tlemcen
adopted 8 September 1963; amended several times, last in 2008 (2013)
18 years of age; universal
mixed legal system of French civil law and Islamic law; judicial review of legislative acts in ad hoc Constitutional Council composed of various public officials including several Supreme Court justices
has not submitted an ICJ jurisdiction declaration; non-party state to the ICCt
bicameral Parliament consists of the Council of the Nation (upper house; 144 seats; one-third of the members appointed by the president, two-thirds elected by indirect vote to serve six-year terms; the constitution requires half the Council to be renewed every three years) and the National People's Assembly (lower house; 462 seats; members elected by popular vote to serve five-year terms)
Algerian National Front or FNA [Moussa TOUATI]; Algerian Popular Movement or MPA [Amara BENYOUNES]; Algerian Rally [Ali ZAGHDOUD]; Algeria's Hope Rally or TAJ [Amar GHOUL]; Dignity or El Karama [Mohamed BENHAMOU]; Front for Change or FC [Abdelmadjid MENASRA]; Front for Justice and Development or El Adala [Abdallah DJABALLAH]; Future Front or El Mostakbel [Abdelaziz BELAID]; Green Algeria Alliance or AAV (includes Movement for National Reform, Islamic Renaissance Movement, and Movement of the Society of Peace or Hamas); Islamic Renaissance Movement or EnNahda Movement [Mohamed DHOUIBI]; Movement of the Society of Peace or MSP [Abderrazak MOKRI]; National Democratic Rally (Rassemblement National Democratique) or RND [Bensalah ABDELKADER]; National Liberation Front or FLN [Amar SAIDANI]; National Party for Solidarity and Development or PNSD; National Reform Movement or Islah [Djahid YOUNSI] (see Green Algeria Alliance); New Dawn Party or PFJ; New Generation or Jil Jadid [Soufiane DJILALI]; New Light Party [Bedreddine BELBAZ]; Oath of 1954 or Ahd 54 [Ali Fawzi REBAINE]; Party of Justice and Liberty [Mohammed SAID]; Rally for Culture and Democracy or RCD [Mohcine BELABBAS]; Socialist Forces Front or FFS [Mustafa BOUCHACHI]; Workers Party or PT [Louisa HANOUNE]
The Algerian Human Rights League or LADDH [Noureddine BENISSAD]; SOS Disparus [Nacera DUTOUR]; Youth Action Rally or RAJ
two equal vertical bands of green (hoist side) and white; a red, five-pointed star within a red crescent centered over the two-color boundary; the colors represent Islam (green), purity and peace (white), and liberty (red); the crescent and star are also Islamic symbols, but the crescent is more closed than those of other Muslim countries because the Algerians believe the long crescent horns bring happiness
Arabic (official), French (lingua franca), Berber dialects: Kabylie Berber (Tamazight), Chaouia Berber (Tachawit), Mzab Berber, Tuareg Berber (Tamahaq)
Muslim (official; predominantly Sunni) 99%, other (includes Christian and Jewish)
Arab-Berber 99%, European less than 1%
star and crescent; fennec fox
state-run Radio-Television Algerienne operates the broadcast media and carries programming in Arabic, Berber dialects, and French; use of satellite dishes is widespread, providing easy access to European and Arab satellite stations; state-run radio operates several national networks and roughly 40 regional radio stations (2007)
ABEDA, AfDB, AFESD, AMF, AMU, AU, BIS, CAEU, CD, FAO, G-15, G-24, G-77, IAEA, IBRD, ICAO, ICC (national committees), ICRM, IDA, IDB, IFAD, IFC, IFRCS, IHO, ILO, IMF, IMO, IMSO, Interpol, IOC, IOM, IPU, ISO, ITSO, ITU, ITUC (NGOs), LAS, MIGA, MONUSCO, NAM, OAPEC, OAS (observer), OIC, OPCW, OPEC, OSCE (partner), UN, UNCTAD, UNESCO, UNHCR, UNIDO, UNITAR, UNWTO, UPU, WCO, WHO, WIPO, WMO, WTO (observer)
37.3% of GDP (2013 est.)
-2.3% of GDP (2013 est.)
13.2% of GDP (2013 est.)//8.3% of GDP (2012 est.)
3.9% (2013 est.)//8.9% (2012 est.)
$192.5 billion (31 December 2013 est.)//$191.6 billion (31 December 2012 est.)
$5.278 billion (31 December 2013 est.)//$5.639 billion (31 December 2012 est.)
Algerian dinars (DZD) per US dollar -//78.77 (2013 est.)//77.536 (2012 est.)//74.386 (2010 est.)//72.65 (2009)//63.25 (2008)
$215.7 billion (2013 est.)
petroleum, natural gas, light industries, mining, electrical, petrochemical, food processing
2.5% (2013 est.)
11.15 million (2013 est.)
10.3% (2013 est.)//10.7% (2012 est.)
Algeria's economy remains dominated by the state, a legacy of the country's socialist postindependence development model. In recent years the Algerian Government has halted the privatization of state-owned industries and imposed restrictions on imports and foreign involvement in its economy. Hydrocarbons have long been the backbone of the economy, accounting for roughly 60% of budget revenues, 30% of GDP, and over 95% of export earnings. Algeria has the 10th-largest reserves of natural gas in the world and is the sixth-largest gas exporter. It ranks 16th in oil reserves. Strong revenues from hydrocarbon exports have brought Algeria relative macroeconomic stability, with foreign currency reserves approaching $200 billion and a large budget stabilization fund available for tapping. In addition, Algeria's external debt is extremely low at about 2% of GDP. However, Algeria has struggled to develop non-hydrocarbon industries because of heavy regulation and an emphasis on state-driven growth. The government's efforts have done little to reduce high youth unemployment rates or to address housing shortages. A wave of economic protests in February and March 2011 prompted the Algerian Government to offer more than $23 billion in public grants and retroactive salary and benefit increases, moves which continue to weigh on public finances. Long-term economic challenges include diversifying the economy away from its reliance on hydrocarbon exports, bolstering the private sector, attracting foreign investment, and providing adequate jobs for younger Algerians.
$284.7 billion (2013 est.)//$276.2 billion (2012 est.)//$267.4 billion (2011 est.)
3.1% (2013 est.)//3.3% (2012 est.)//2.6% (2011 est.)
$7,500 (2013 est.)//$7,400 (2012 est.)//$7,300 (2011 est.)
45.5% of GDP (2013 est.)//44.4% of GDP (2012 est.)//47.7% of GDP (2011 est.)
wheat, barley, oats, grapes, olives, citrus, fruits; sheep, cattle
35.3 (1995)
calendar year
4% (31 December 2010 est.)//4% (31 December 2009 est.)
8% (31 December 2013 est.)//8% (31 December 2012 est.)
$92.91 billion (31 December 2013 est.)//$98.36 billion (31 December 2012 est.)
$140.2 billion (31 December 2013 est.)//$141 billion (31 December 2012 est.)
$-4.337 billion (31 December 2013 est.)//$-4.363 billion (31 December 2012 est.)
$NA
$25.02 billion (31 December 2013 est.)//$23.26 billion (31 December 2012 est.)
$2.433 billion (31 December 2013 est.)//$2.133 billion (31 December 2012 est.)
$6.697 billion (2013 est.)//$12.3 billion (2012 est.)
$68.25 billion (2013 est.)//$71.74 billion (2012 est.)
Italy 16%, US 15%, Spain 10.9%, France 8.5%, Netherlands 7.3%, Canada 7.1%, UK 5.1%, Brazil 4.7% (2012)
petroleum, natural gas, and petroleum products 97%
$55.02 billion (2013 est.)//$51.57 billion (2012 est.)
France 12.8%, China 11.8%, Italy 10.3%, Spain 8.6%, Germany 5.2% (2012)
capital goods, foodstuffs, consumer goods