Three Gorges Dam
EnergyThe world's largest hydropower station by installed capacity, at 22.5 GW, and the main flood-control structure on the Yangtze.
What is now Ecuador formed part of the northern Inca Empire until the Spanish conquest in 1533. Quito became a seat of Spanish colonial government in 1563 and part of the Viceroyalty of New Granada in 1717. The territories of the Viceroyalty - New Granada (Colombia), Venezuela, and Quito - gained their independence between 1819 and 1822 and formed a federation known as Gran Colombia. When Quito withdrew in 1830, the traditional name was changed in favor of the "Republic of the Equator." Between 1904 and 1942, Ecuador lost territories in a series of conflicts with its neighbors. A border war with Peru that flared in 1995 was resolved in 1999. …
The National Infrastructure Index maps the physical assets national life runs on — power stations and grids, water systems, ports, railways and airports, data networks, payment systems and launch sites. Each asset is placed in a Strategic Infrastructure capability group, so it can be read against the ratings in the National Capability index above.
Assets are chosen for how much of the economy and state depends on them and how hard they would be to replace. Each card records what the asset is, the category it belongs to, what it does and where it is.
Example assets. These twenty cards are modelled on China's most critical infrastructure and show on every nation page until each nation's own assets are mapped.
The world's largest hydropower station by installed capacity, at 22.5 GW, and the main flood-control structure on the Yangtze.
A 16 GW dam on the Jinsha River, built around sixteen 1 GW turbines, the largest single units in service.
A ±1,100 kV direct-current line carrying 12 GW more than 3,000 km from Xinjiang's power bases to the eastern grid.
China's first large commercial nuclear plant, in service since 1994, with much of its output sold to Hong Kong.
A canal carrying Yangtze basin water more than 1,400 km north from the Danjiangkou Reservoir to Beijing and Tianjin.
The 1,318 km trunk line between the two largest cities, opened in 2011 and one of the busiest high-speed routes in the world.
The world's busiest container port since 2010, including the automated Yangshan deep-water terminals.
The world's largest port by cargo tonnage, handling iron ore, crude oil and coal for the eastern industrial belt.
The capital's second international hub, opened in 2019 around one of the largest single terminal buildings in the world.
A 55 km bridge and undersea tunnel system linking the western and eastern shores of the Pearl River Delta, opened in 2018.
The 1,956 km line from Xining to Lhasa, crossing the Tanggula Pass at 5,072 m, the highest railway in the world.
One of eight national data centre hubs under the East Data, West Computing programme, hosting major cloud providers.
A 2,000 km quantum key distribution trunk line through Jinan and Hefei, completed in 2017 for secure government and bank links.
CIPS clears and settles cross-border payments in renminbi, launched in 2015 to extend the currency's international reach.
The coastal launch site for Long March 5 heavy-lift rockets, used for the Tiangong station modules and lunar and Mars missions.
China's first launch site, founded in 1958 in the Gobi Desert, and the base for every crewed Shenzhou mission.
The national satellite navigation system, providing global positioning and timing since 2020 from its Beijing control segment.
The world's largest known rare-earth deposit and the core of China's rare-earth mining and refining supply chain.
A weir and channel system built around 256 BC that still irrigates much of the Chengdu Plain's farmland.
China's leading maker of 3D NAND flash memory, central to the drive for a domestic semiconductor supply.
The National Development Index tracks the events that move a nation's capability — policy decisions, technological milestones, economic turns and external shocks — and places each one on the record with the date it happened and what followed from it. It is the narrative counterpart to the indices: where a rating says where Ecuador stands, the index says how it arrived there.
Recent developments cover the current cycle, close enough that their consequences are still unfolding. Historical developments are the inflection points behind the present position — the decisions and events a reader needs in order to read the ratings above in context.
Topa Inca Yupanqui and Huayna Capac needed two generations of rule to overcome the developed indigenous confederations of the highlands. Resistant populations were deported to Peru, Bolivia and northern Argentina while loyal Inca subjects were resettled in Ecuador, and the region came to share the Inca language. Coastal and Amazonian peoples largely resisted incorporation.
The arrival of Europeans opened three centuries of Spanish settlement and administration. Spanish colonists formed the foundation of the country's later mestizo and white populations.
The deaths of Emperor Huayna Capac and his heir from a European disease that spread into Ecuador created a power vacuum between two factions. The northern army under Atahualpa marched on Cuzco and destroyed the rival royal line. The empire was thus fatally weakened on the eve of the Spanish arrival.
Smallpox and other infectious diseases endemic to Europeans caused high fatalities among natives who had no immunity during the first decades of Spanish rule. Survivors were forced into the encomienda labour system serving the Spanish. The demographic collapse reshaped the colonial society and economy.
A small Spanish band reached Cajamarca while the Inca Empire was split by civil war following the deaths of Huayna Capac and the heir Ninan Cuyochi from European disease. Pizarro promised to free Atahualpa in exchange for a room filled with gold but, after a mock trial, had him strangled. The collapse of Inca authority opened the region to Spanish conquest.
What is now Ecuador formed part of the northern Inca Empire until the Spanish conquest of 1533.
The creation of the Audiencia of Quito gave the territory a distinct administrative identity, later attached to the Viceroyalty of New Granada. Its colonial boundaries, defined by royal decrees including the Real Cedulas of 1563, 1739 and 1740, became the basis of Ecuador's later territorial claims.
Quito became part of the Viceroyalty of New Granada in 1717, alongside the territories of New Granada and Venezuela.
One of the deadliest disasters of the colonial era devastated the Riobamba region. Humboldt examined the site during his visit in 1801–1802, drawing scientific attention to the Andean region.
Rising cocoa demand made export agriculture the mainstay of the national economy. It prompted large migrations from the highlands to the agricultural frontier on the coast, reshaping settlement patterns.
Led by Juan Pío Montúfar, Quiroga, Salinas and Bishop Cuero y Caicedo, the criollos of Quito — a city of only 10,000 — deposed the local Spanish authorities on 10 August 1809 and formed a junta, among the earliest such acts in Spanish America. It survived barely two months before being suppressed, but inspired independence movements across Spanish America and earned Quito the nickname 'Luz de América'; the date is now Ecuador's Independence Day holiday. Full independence for the region was not secured until the Battle of Pichincha in 1822.
When the Republic of Gran Colombia was created on 17 December 1819, the territories of Tumbes and Jaén de Bracamoros were assigned to it. These allocations underpinned Ecuador's later claims against Peru, which occupied both areas.
On 9 October 1820 Guayaquil declared itself an independent state, spawning most of the future coastal provinces. Its example and resources supported the wider liberation of the Audiencia of Quito.
Following the Battle of Pichincha the territory was incorporated into a federation also comprising modern Colombia, Venezuela and Panama. Bolívar's occupation of Guayaquil thwarted San Martín's plan to attach the region to Peru.
The 24 May victory near Quito ended Spanish rule over the territory, which then joined Simón Bolívar's Gran Colombia. Sucre later became one of the leading generals of the South American wars of independence.
The Ecuador Department, established in 1824 out of the former Royal Audience of Quito, gave the future republic its name. The Ley de División Territorial of 25 June 1824 set the northern border at the Carchi river and the eastern boundary at the Caquetá, terms later invoked in the settlement with New Granada.
After a decade of fruitless protests over Jaén, Tumbes and Mainas, Bolívar declared war and La Mar advanced into southern Gran Colombian territory on 28 November 1828. Ecuadorian-born La Mar hoped to annex the District of Ecuador to Peru.
On 27 February 1829 an outnumbered southern Gran Colombian army routed the Peruvian force led by President La Mar. The victory forced Peru to negotiate and shaped the territorial claims Ecuador would press for over a century.
Peru and its Congress acknowledged Gran Colombian sovereignty and agreed borders along the Tumbes river in the west and the Marañón and Amazon rivers in the east. Peru returned Guayaquil but never handed back Tumbes and Jaén, arguing its obligations lapsed when Gran Colombia dissolved. The treaty remained a cornerstone of Ecuador's legal case.
On 13 May 1830 the Southern District of Gran Colombia, with its capital at Quito, broke from the federation established by Simón Bolívar and emerged as a sovereign state. Its first president, the Venezuelan-born General Juan José Flores, claimed the full territory of the former Real Audiencia of Quito on the basis of Spanish royal decrees, and Bogotá initially refused to recognise the separation. The republic adopted its first constitution later that year at a congress in Riobamba.
Cauca, including Pasto, Popayán and Buenaventura, had called for union with the District of the South since April 1830 amid instability in Bogotá. Flores annexed it on 20 December 1830, citing the region's long economic and administrative dependence on Quito. The move brought war with New Granada.
Two years after independence, Ecuador took possession of the archipelago some 1,000 kilometres west of the mainland. The islands became a province and the basis of the country's distinctive ecological standing.
War broke out in May 1832 after Bogotá refused to accept the secession of Ecuador and Cauca. Ecuador's forces, largely unpaid Venezuelan and Colombian veterans unwilling to fight their compatriots, mutinied and Flores sued for peace. Cauca was returned to New Granada, which in exchange recognised Ecuador as an independent country with borders on the Carchi and Caquetá rivers.
The Ecuadorian pioneer's vessel was the first submarine constructed in the region. It stands among the country's earliest engineering achievements.
The academy, dating from about 1837, was established to train naval officers. It remains the source of the navy's commissioned officer corps.
Dating from about 1838, the academy became responsible for graduating army officers. It anchored the professionalisation of the land forces.
On 16 February 1840 Spain officially recognised Ecuador and its sole rights to the colonial titles of the former Kingdom and Presidency of Quito. Flores used the treaty to add legitimacy to Ecuador's territorial claims against its neighbours.
Emancipation ended legal slavery in the republic; descendants of enslaved Ecuadorians form today's Afro-Ecuadorian population. It was followed in 1857 by abolition of indigenous tribute.
Following a secret 1851 peace treaty favouring Brazil, Peru occupied the missionary villages of the Mainas region and formalised control in 1853. Ecuador, which claimed the Amazon Basin between the Caquetá and Marañón, protested in vain, and the occupation defined the long dispute over the Amazon.
Ending the colonial-era tribute placed indigenous Ecuadorians on the same legal footing as other citizens. They were registered as contributors to the nation and became property holders, taxpayers and potential military recruits.
Peru seized the port believing Ecuador was selling disputed land to British bondholders for development. It withdrew after a few months, but the episode deepened mutual distrust.
After decades of rapid successions and instability, the conservative García Moreno imposed central authority in alliance with the Church. His rule marked the first sustained consolidation of the Ecuadorian state.
García Moreno, who had governed for most of the period since 1861 and tied the state closely to the Catholic Church, was killed outside the presidential palace on 6 August. His death opened a period of instability that preceded the Liberal Revolution two decades later.
Migration from Lebanon began as early as 1875 and continued in waves through the first half of the twentieth century; by 1930 there were 577 Lebanese immigrants and 489 descendants. A 1986 Lebanese foreign ministry estimate put the number of descendants at 100,000, many of them economically prominent.
For three decades the two states referred their Amazonian boundary claims to Spain for arbitration. The process failed to produce a settlement, leaving the dispute to fester into the twentieth century.
Alfaro's forces took power and introduced secular reforms, including civil marriage and state education, curbing the influence of the Catholic clergy and conservative landowners over public life. He served two terms as president before being killed by a mob in Quito in 1912, and the liberal wing retained power until the military 'Julian Revolution' of 1925.
Between 1904 and 1942 Ecuador lost territories in a series of conflicts with its neighbours, culminating in the 1942 Rio Protocol that ceded extensive Amazonian claims to Peru.
On 6 May 1904 Ecuador conceded Brazilian claims in exchange for recognition of its own standing as an Amazonian country, countering Peru's 1851 treaty with Brazil. It formed part of Ecuador's effort to settle its eastern borders by negotiation.
The concession covered 38,842 hectares and brought the British oil company into Ecuadorian resource extraction. It triggered a wave of migration from the United Kingdom to the town of Ancón.
On 15 July 1916 Colombian rights to the Putumayo and Ecuadorian rights to the Napo were recognised, with the border set midway between them. Ecuador gave up its claims between the Caquetá and Napo rivers, cutting itself off from a frontier with Brazil.
Dating from about 1920, the academy trains air force officers. Its establishment marked the beginning of professional military aviation in Ecuador.
The secret treaty of 24 March 1922 transferred to Peru territory that Ecuador had ceded to Colombia in 1916. Ecuador protested, but its Amazonian position was further eroded.
The protocol of 21 July 1924 committed both states to direct negotiations and to submit unresolved points to the United States for arbitration. Talks opened in Washington on 30 September 1935 but Peru broke them off on 29 September 1937.
The military intervention of 1925 closed the era begun by Alfaro's Liberal Revolution. It was followed by two decades of instability and the rise of populist politicians such as the five-time president José María Velasco Ibarra.
From 1936 voting became obligatory for literate persons of working age and optional for other citizens over 16. The rule remains the basis of Ecuadorian electoral participation.
When several South American countries refused the refugees from Germany, Ecuador admitted them. Ashkenazi Jews had been arriving since the rise of National Socialism in 1933, and by 1940 some 3,000 Jews lived in the country.
Hostilities began on 5 July 1941 and Peru attacked in force on 23 July, facing 11,681 troops against a poorly armed Ecuadorian force of 2,300. Peru seized parts of El Oro and Loja and its navy blockaded Guayaquil, nearly cutting supplies to Ecuadorian troops before US and Latin American pressure halted the fighting.
The accord of 29 January 1942, signed after Peruvian forces occupied parts of southern Ecuador, was concluded in the name of hemispheric unity against the Axis powers and awarded Peru the territory it held when fighting ceased, ceding Ecuador's claim to a large area of Amazonian territory. Its failure to delimit the border in the Cordillera del Cóndor left a dispute that erupted again in 1981 and 1995; Ecuador later renounced the settlement's validity, and the issue persisted until 1998.
A rebellion and subsequent civic strike ousted Arroyo del Río, blamed for the defeat by Peru. Post-war recession and popular unrest, however, led back to populist politics and military interventions in the 1960s.
The American oil company operated in fifteen petroleum fields in the Amazon region between 1964 and 1992. The contamination it left became the country's most contentious environmental legacy.
The public health system dating from 1967 underpinned long-run gains in health outcomes. Infant mortality fell from about 140 per 1,000 live births in 1950 to roughly 76 in the early 1980s and 13 more recently.
The pipeline carried crude from Amazonian oilfields to the Pacific coast, transforming Ecuador into a significant oil exporter within a few years. Petroleum revenue reshaped the economy and government finances for decades afterwards.
Alvarez and 10 others, including two of his brothers, were detained on 10 February; one brother, Antonio Alvarez, is president of the Barcelona SC football club. The arrests marked one of the highest-profile corruption cases against a sitting official in years.
The remains were discovered on 11 January in Manabí province, an area repeatedly hit by gang violence in the preceding months. No arrests were immediately reported in connection with the killings.
Ecuador imposed a 30 per cent tariff on Colombian imports on 21 January, prompting Bogota to retaliate in kind and suspend electricity sales; Quito responded by taxing Colombian oil transiting its OCP pipeline. The dispute disrupted cross-border energy and trade flows between the two neighbours.
The UN described an unprecedented food crisis in the country. Ecuador had ranked 58th of 127 states in the 2024 Global Hunger Index with a score of 11.6, indicating moderate hunger.
The shooting on 28 December in Puerto López, Manabí province, also left three people wounded, continuing a wave of mass shootings that struck the country through the year. Similar attacks on bars, pool halls and nightclubs killed dozens of people over the preceding months.
The 9 November riot was among the deadliest in a series of gang clashes inside Ecuador's overcrowded prison system that year. Dozens of inmates had already been killed in similar clashes at jails in Machala and Esmeraldas two months earlier.
The 16 November referendum was called by President Noboa, who had sought a constituent assembly and a lifting of the constitutional ban on foreign bases as part of his security strategy. Both proposals failed, leaving the 2008 constitution's prohibition in place.
The 7 October attack in Cañar province came as demonstrations against the removal of fuel subsidies continued nationally; Noboa was unharmed and five people were arrested. Ecuador had declared a state of emergency in 10 provinces two days earlier.
The 4 September designation extended a wider US campaign against Latin American criminal networks, following a similar move against Ecuadorian gangs earlier in the year. It allowed for expanded sanctions and prosecutions linked to the two groups' operations.
Protests that began on 13 September spread nationwide after President Noboa scrapped diesel subsidies, and later clashes with security forces in Otavalo left one demonstrator dead and several soldiers injured. The unrest continued for weeks, feeding into a broader security crackdown that autumn.
Fighting between the Los Choneros and Los Lobos gangs left at least 13 inmates and a guard dead at a Machala prison on 22 September, then 17 more dead in Esmeraldas three days later. Ecuador's prisons had become a frequent battleground between rival trafficking networks.
Victory in the April 2025 second round confirmed Noboa in office for a complete term. In October 2025 five people were arrested over an alleged assassination attempt against him.
The declaration followed the escape of Los Choneros leader José Adolfo Macías Villamar, known as 'Fito', and an armed attack on a public television channel. It militarised the state's response to the cartels; Fito was recaptured in June 2025 and extradited to the United States on cocaine trafficking and firearms charges.
The centrist candidate defeated leftist Luisa González on 15 October 2023 and was sworn in on 23 November. He inherited a security crisis driven by organised crime.
The proposals were intended to enhance the government's ability to respond to crime. Their overwhelming defeat weakened the president's political standing.
The court held that no project may be carried out that imposes excessive sacrifices on the collective rights of communities and nature. It also required the government to respect the views of Indigenous peoples on industrial projects on their land, giving practical force to the constitution's rights of nature.
The measure responded to rising drug-related violence, including bloody clashes between rival gangs in state prisons. Lasso proposed constitutional changes to strengthen the state's response, but voters overwhelmingly rejected them in a February 2023 referendum, weakening his standing.
The conservative former banker took 52.4% in the 11 April 2021 runoff against Andrés Aráuz and was sworn in on 24 May. His CREO movement and the allied Social Christian Party held only 31 of 137 seats against 49 for Aráuz's UNES, forcing him to seek support from Izquierda Democrática and Pachakutik.
Erosion near the privately owned OCP and state-owned SOTE pipelines in late 2021 halted exports for about three weeks, costing just over $500 million. Production returned to its normal 435,000 barrels per day in early 2022.
On President Moreno's instruction the country quit the organisation, citing the aim of increasing oil exports and revenue. It had first joined in 1973, suspended membership in 1992 and returned under Correa.
Demonstrations begun on 3 October 2019 against the end of fuel subsidies and austerity measures culminated in protesters seizing the capital on 10 October. On 14 October the government restored the subsidies and withdrew the austerity package, ending nearly two weeks of unrest; it returned to Quito that year.
The exit from UNASUR completed Moreno's break with the regional bodies associated with the Correa era. It followed Ecuador's departure from ALBA in 2018.
Severing ties with a close ally of Correa marked a decisive reorientation of foreign policy. Relations with the United States improved markedly, including agreement in June 2019 to let US military planes use a Galápagos airport and Moreno's February 2020 Washington visit, the first such meeting in 17 years.
Moreno's government cut public spending, liberalised trade and made the labour code more flexible after taking office in 2017. The Productive Development Act imposed austerity, replaced earlier redistribution policies, granted amnesty to tax fraudsters, cut rates for large companies and waived taxes on raw material price rises and foreign exchange repatriation.
The legislation framed the rights of migrants and refugees at a time of large Colombian and Venezuelan inflows. It formalised the state's approach to migration management.
Built with Canadian assistance, the entirely new facility replaced Quito's old airport, complementing a new terminal at Guayaquil once rated the best in Latin America. The main road from the city centre was not due for completion until late 2014, leaving journeys of up to two hours at peak times.
General elections were held in February 2013 and voters returned President Rafael Correa for a further term.
Membership of ALBA aligned Ecuador with the region's left-wing governments. The country left the bloc in August 2018 under President Moreno.
Spending was increased to $1,691,776,803 as the forces adapted after the settlement of the Peru border dispute and amid Colombian guerrilla infiltration of Amazonian provinces. The reform reoriented the military towards internal and border security tasks.
Correa argued the debt was odious, contracted by prior corrupt and despotic regimes. Fighting creditors in international courts, he cut the price of outstanding bonds by more than 60%, reducing the debt burden while straining relations with international finance.
The programme preserves an additional 2.3% of national land area, some 6,295 square kilometres, by paying private and community landowners, including Amerindian tribes, to maintain native forests and grasslands. At the time 19% of land was protected against a stated need for 32% to safeguard biodiversity.
From 2008 doctor's visits, basic surgeries and basic medications were provided free of charge, alongside compulsory social security. New public hospitals were built between 2008 and 2016 and health system efficiency rankings improved sharply.
The charter drafted by the 2007 Constituent Assembly was endorsed by referendum in late 2008 and implemented leftist reforms; it was Ecuador's 20th constitution since gaining independence. It was the first constitution in the world to grant legally enforceable rights to nature, and remains the country's governing document.
Clearing the IMF obligation freed the government from Fund conditionality. It accompanied a period of above-average growth, with GDP expanding 4.3% annually from 2007 to 2012.
According to the Center for Economic and Policy Research, poverty fell sharply over the decade while per capita GDP grew 1.5% a year, against 0.6% in the previous two decades. Social spending on education and health drove the reduction after 2008, when emigrant host economies weakened.
Correa gained the presidency in the 2006 election and was sworn in during January 2007 in the presence of allied Latin American left-wing leaders. A Constituent Assembly elected in 2007 drafted a new charter, and his administration cut poverty and unemployment over three consecutive terms to 2017.
Gutiérrez was ousted by Congress amid the democratic volatility created by the mobilised Amerindian constituency and rival elite and leftist pressures. Vice President Alfredo Palacio replaced him, illustrating the weakness of the executive.
From 2002 refugee inflows from Colombia and later Venezuela grew sharply. Authorities estimate 350,000 to 400,000 Colombians live in Ecuador, though porous borders and weak registration prevent firm figures.
Amid hyperinflation and a banking crisis the government replaced the sucre with the US dollar, a decision announced by President Jamil Mahuad days before he was removed from office and completed by his successor. The dollar was adopted on 13 April 2000 and the inflation-prone sucre abolished on 11 September. Dollarisation stabilised the economy and the dollar has been the sole official currency since, helping cut extreme poverty from around 40% in 2001 to 17.4% by 2011.
The agreement of 26 October 1998, guaranteed by Argentina, Brazil, Chile and the United States, definitively settled a frontier dispute that had caused repeated conflict since the nineteenth century and followed the 1995 Cenepa War. The Rio Protocol guarantors set the border along the line of the Cordillera del Cóndor: Ecuador abandoned decades-old claims to the eastern slopes and the Cenepa headwaters, while Peru granted it a perpetual lease without sovereignty over one square kilometre at Tiwinza. Final demarcation took effect on 13 May 1999 and the MOMEP observer mission withdrew on 17 June 1999.
Although Ecuador marked 30 years of civilian governance in 2004, the period was marred by political instability. Protests in Quito contributed to the mid-term ouster of three of the country's last four democratically elected presidents.
Full-scale fighting broke out in January 1995 in the Cenepa Valley of the Cordillera del Cóndor, a remaining unmarked section of the frontier left unresolved since 1942. Ecuadorian forces downed Peruvian aircraft and helicopters while Peruvian infantry advanced into southern Ecuador; President Sixto Durán Ballén declared he would not surrender a single centimetre and nationalist sentiment against Peru surged. A ceasefire brokered in February by the guarantor countries led to talks that produced a final peace settlement in 1998.
Economic collapse in the 1990s drove many Ecuadorians to the United States, Italy and Spain. Emigrant remittances contributed to the later fall in extreme poverty, and from 2007 the government created initiatives to attract returnees, with flows rising notably during the 2008 crisis in Europe and North America.
The administration reached terms with the small terrorist organisation named after Eloy Alfaro. Its dissolution removed an armed challenge to the state.
The Democratic Left leader beat Abdalá Bucaram in the runoff and pursued human rights protection and trade liberalisation. Persistent economic problems eroded his party's standing, and opposition parties took control of Congress in 1999.
Febres Cordero's election continued the sequence of civilian transfers of power after 1979. It confirmed the durability of the restored constitutional order.
On 24 May 1981 Roldós, his wife and the defence minister Marco Subia Martinez were killed when his Air Force plane went down in heavy rain. Many Ecuadorians believe he was assassinated, citing death threats over his reformist agenda and the deaths of key witnesses. Vice President Osvaldo Hurtado succeeded him immediately.
Fighting in January–February 1981 arose from the Rio Protocol's failure to delimit the border in the Cordillera del Cóndor. It presaged the larger Cenepa War of 1995.
Elections on 29 April 1979 gave Roldós over a million votes, the most in Ecuadorian history, and he took office on 10 August as the first constitutionally elected president after nearly a decade of dictatorship. He founded the Partido Pueblo, Cambio y Democracia in 1980.
The junta of Poveda, Guillermo Durán Arcentales and Luis Pintado replaced Rodríguez in 1976 amid mounting demands for elections. Government Minister Colonel Richelieu Levoyer designed and implemented the plan for a return to the constitutional system through universal elections.
Membership followed the completion of the Andean pipeline and the rise of oil exports. Ecuador suspended its membership in 1992, rejoined under Rafael Correa, and left again in 2020.
The coup, executed by navy commander Jorge Queirolo, exiled Velasco to Argentina and installed a self-described revolutionary and nationalist government. Rodríguez held power until removed by a second military government in 1976.
What is now Ecuador formed part of the northern Inca Empire until the Spanish conquest in 1533. Quito became a seat of Spanish colonial government in 1563 and part of the Viceroyalty of New Granada in 1717. The territories of the Viceroyalty - New Granada (Colombia), Venezuela, and Quito - gained their independence between 1819 and 1822 and formed a federation known as Gran Colombia. When Quito withdrew in 1830, the traditional name was changed in favor of the "Republic of the Equator." Between 1904 and 1942, Ecuador lost territories in a series of conflicts with its neighbors. A border war with Peru that flared in 1995 was resolved in 1999. Although Ecuador marked 30 years of civilian governance in 2004, the period was marred by political instability. Protests in Quito contributed to the mid-term ouster of three of Ecuador's last four democratically elected presidents. In late 2008, voters approved a new constitution, Ecuador's 20th since gaining independence. General elections were held in February 2013, and voters re-elected President Rafael CORREA.
24 May 1822 (from Spain)
Independence Day (independence of Quito), 10 August (1809)
Western South America, bordering the Pacific Ocean at the Equator, between Colombia and Peru
2 00 S, 77 30 W
South America
slightly smaller than Nevada
2,237 km
coastal plain (costa), inter-Andean central highlands (sierra), and flat to rolling eastern jungle (oriente)
petroleum, fish, timber, hydropower
8,534 sq km (2003)
frequent earthquakes; landslides; volcanic activity; floods; periodic droughts
Cotopaxi in Andes is highest active volcano in world
424.4 cu km (2011)
deforestation; soil erosion; desertification; water pollution; pollution from oil production wastes in ecologically sensitive areas of the Amazon Basin and Galapagos Islands
tropical along coast, becoming cooler inland at higher elevations; tropical in Amazonian jungle lowlands
Capability-group ratings for Critical Technology are part of the GINC National Capability Framework rather than the country factbook. They are published in the National Capability index, and the per-capability detail lives on the capability pages.
Clinical research and life-science invention, drawn from the same series that drive the metric pages. Each card opens the full cross-country comparison.
432 (2013)
2 (2013)
16.457 million (2012)
3.352 million (2009)
.ec
22.85 billion kWh (2011 est.)
19.38 billion kWh (2010 est.)
14.1 million kWh (2010 est.)
1.3 billion kWh (2010 est.)
5.243 million kW (2010 est.)
55.3% of total installed capacity (2010 est.)
0% of total installed capacity (2010 est.)
42.8% of total installed capacity (2010 est.)
2% of total installed capacity (2010 est.)
526,000 bbl/day (2013 est.)
413,000 bbl/day (2013 est.)
154,000 bbl/day (2012 est.)
8.24 billion bbl (1 January 2013 est.)
207,300 bbl/day (2013 est.)
280,000 bbl/day (2012 est.)
28,000 bbl/day (2013 est.)
135,500 bbl/day (2012 est.)
240 million cu m (2011 est.)
330 million cu m (2010 est.)
0 cu m (2011 est.)
25,000 cu m (2012 est.)
6.994 billion cu m (1 January 2013 est.)
29.13 million Mt (2011 est.)
2.31 million (2012)
170,538 (2012)
extra heavy crude 527 km; gas 71 km; oil 2,131 km; refined products 1,526 km (2013)
1,500 km (most inaccessible) (2012)
2.83% of GDP (2012)//3.2% of GDP (2011)//2.83% of GDP (2010)
18 years of age for selective conscript military service; conscription has been suspended; 18 years of age for voluntary military service; Air Force 18-22 years of age, Ecadorian birth requirement; 1-year service obligation (2012)
Active-duty strength on the Correlates of War series, which reaches back to 1816 and so carries a nation’s whole record of mobilisation rather than its present establishment. The card opens the full cross-country comparison.
Ecuadorian Armed Forces: Ecuadorian Land Force (Fuerza Terrestre Ecuatoriana, FTE), Ecuadorian Navy (Fuerza Naval del Ecuador (FNE), includes Naval Infantry, Naval Aviation, Coast Guard), Ecuadorian Air Force (Fuerza Aerea Ecuatoriana, FAE) (2012)
15,654,411 (July 2014 est.)
1.37% (2014 est.)
18.87 births/1,000 population (2014 est.)
5.04 deaths/1,000 population (2014 est.)
2.29 children born/woman (2014 est.)
21.1
-0.13 migrant(s)/1,000 population (2014 est.)
Guayaquil 2.287 million; QUITO (capital) 1.622 million (2011)
1.6 beds/1,000 population (2010)
21.4% (2008)
6.2% (2004)
Modelled share of working-age adults using generative AI, from Microsoft telemetry scaled to each country’s 15–64 population. A measure of how fast a workforce is absorbing the technology rather than of how much of it a nation builds. The card opens the full cross-country comparison.
25.6% (December 2013 est)
Ecuador's high poverty and income inequality most affect indigenous, mixed race, and rural populations. The government has increased its social spending to ameliorate these problems, but critics question the efficiency and implementation of its national development plan. Nevertheless, the conditional cash transfer program, which requires participants' children to attend school and have medical check-ups, has helped improve educational attainment and healthcare among poor children. Ecuador is stalled at above replacement level fertility and the population most likely will keep growing rather than stabilize.//An estimated 2 to 3 million Ecuadorians live abroad, but increased unemployment in key receiving countries - Spain, the United States, and Italy - is slowing emigration and increasing the likelihood of returnees to Ecuador. The first large-scale emigration of Ecuadorians occurred between 1980 and 2000, when an economic crisis drove Ecuadorians from southern provinces to New York City, where they had trade contacts. A second, nationwide wave of emigration in the late 1990s was caused by another economic downturn, political instability, and a currency crisis. Spain was the logical destination because of its shared language and the wide availability of low-skilled, informal jobs at a time when increased border surveillance made illegal migration to the US difficult. Ecuador has a small but growing immigrant population and is Latin America's top recipient of refugees; 98% are neighboring Colombians fleeing violence in their country.
110 deaths/100,000 live births (2010)
72.7% (2004)
7.3% of GDP (2011)
1.69 physicians/1,000 population (2009)
0.6% (2012 est.)
52,300 (2012 est.)
2,700 (2012 est.)
4.4% of GDP (2012)
organized illegal narcotics operations in Colombia penetrate across Ecuador's shared border, which thousands of Colombians also cross to escape the violence in their home country
republic
24 provinces (provincias, singular - provincia); Azuay, Bolivar, Canar, Carchi, Chimborazo, Cotopaxi, El Oro, Esmeraldas, Galapagos, Guayas, Imbabura, Loja, Los Rios, Manabi, Morona-Santiago, Napo, Orellana, Pastaza, Pichincha, Santa Elena, Santo Domingo de los Tsachilas, Sucumbios, Tungurahua, Zamora-Chinchipe
many previous; latest approved 20 October 2008; amended 2011 (2011)
18-65 years of age, universal and compulsory; 16-18, over 65, and other eligible voters, voluntary
civil law based on the Chilean civil code with modifications; traditional law in indigenous communities
has not submitted an ICJ jurisdiction declaration; accepts ICCt jurisdiction
unicameral National Assembly or Asamblea Nacional (137 seats; members are elected through a party-list proportional representation system to serve four-year terms)
significant transit country for cocaine originating in Colombia and Peru, with much of the US-bound cocaine passing through Ecuadorian Pacific waters; importer of precursor chemicals used in production of illicit narcotics; attractive location for cash-placement by drug traffickers laundering money because of dollarization and weak anti-money-laundering regime; increased activity on the northern frontier by trafficking groups and Colombian insurgents (2008)
Alianza PAIS movement [Rafael Vicente CORREA Delgado]//Avanza Party or AVANZA [Ramiro GONZALEZ]//Creating Opportunities Movement or CREO [Guillermo LASSO]//Institutional Renewal and National Action Party or PRIAN [Alvaro NOBOA]//Pachakutik Plurinational Unity Movement or MUPP [Rafael ANTUNI]//Patriotic Society Party or PSP [Lucio GUTIERREZ Borbua]//Popular Democracy Movement or MPD [Luis VILLACIS]//Roldosist Party or PRE//Social Christian Party or PSC [Pascual DEL CIOPPO]//Socialist Party [Fabian SOLANO]//Society United for More Action or SUMA [Mauricio RODAS]//Warrior's Spirit Movement [Jaime NEBOT]
Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador or CONAIE [Humberto CHOLANGO]//Federation of Indigenous Evangelists of Ecuador or FEINE [Manuel CHUGCHILAN, president]//National Federation of Indigenous Afro-Ecuatorianos and Peasants or FENOCIN//National Teacher's Union or UNE [Mariana PALLASCO]
three horizontal bands of yellow (top, double width), blue, and red with the coat of arms superimposed at the center of the flag; the flag retains the three main colors of the banner of Gran Columbia, the South American republic that broke up in 1830; the yellow color represents sunshine, grain, and mineral wealth, blue the sky, sea, and rivers, and red the blood of patriots spilled in the struggle for freedom and justice
Spanish (Castillian) 93% (official), Quechua 4.1%, other indigenous 0.7%, foreign 2.2%
Roman Catholic 95%, other 5%
mestizo (mixed Amerindian and white) 71.9%, Montubio 7.4%, Afroecuadorian 7.2%, Amerindian 7%, white 6.1%, other 0.4% (2010 census)
Andean condor
Ecuador has multiple TV networks and many local channels, as well as more than 300 radio stations; many TV and radio stations are privately owned; the government owns or controls 5 national TV stations and multiple radio stations; broadcast media required by law to give the government free air time to broadcast programs produced by the state (2007)
CAN, CD, CELAC, FAO, G-11, G-77, IADB, IAEA, IBRD, ICAO, ICC (national committees), ICRM, IDA, IFAD, IFC, IFRCS, IHO, ILO, IMF, IMO, Interpol, IOC, IOM, IPU, ISO, ITSO, ITU, ITUC (NGOs), LAES, LAIA, Mercosur (associate), MIGA, MINUSTAH, NAM, OAS, OPANAL, OPCW, OPEC, Pacific Alliance (observer), PCA, UN, UNAMID, UNASUR, UNCTAD, UNESCO, UNHCR, UNIDO, Union Latina, UNMIL, UNMISS, UNOCI, UNWTO, UPU, WCO, WFTU (NGOs), WHO, WIPO, WMO, WTO
40.5% of GDP (2013 est.)
-2.5% of GDP (2013 est.)
23.2% of GDP (2013 est.)//21% of GDP (2012 est.)
2.6% (2013 est.)//4.5% (2011 est.)
$2.625 billion (.)//$2.483 billion (31 December 2012 est.)
$19.91 billion (31 December 2013 est.)//$17.68 billion (31 December 2012 est.)
the US dollar became Ecuador's currency in 2001
$91.41 billion (2013 est.)
petroleum, food processing, textiles, wood products, chemicals
3.1%
6.953 million (2013 est.)
4.2% (2013 est.)//4.2% (2011 est.)
Ecuador is substantially dependent on its petroleum resources, which have accounted for more than half of the country's export earnings and approximately two-fifths of public sector revenues in recent years. In 1999/2000, Ecuador's economy suffered from a banking crisis, with GDP contracting by 5.3% and poverty increasing significantly. In March 2000, the Congress approved a series of structural reforms that also provided for the adoption of the US dollar as legal tender. Dollarization stabilized the economy, and positive growth returned in the years that followed, helped by high oil prices, remittances, and increased non-traditional exports. From 2002-06 the economy grew an average of 4.3% per year, the highest five-year average in 25 years. After moderate growth in 2007, the economy reached a growth rate of 6.4% in 2008, buoyed by high global petroleum prices and increased public sector investment. President Rafael CORREA Delgado, who took office in January 2007, defaulted in December 2008 on Ecuador's sovereign debt, which, with a total face value of approximately US$3.2 billion, represented about 30% of Ecuador's public external debt. In May 2009, Ecuador bought back 91% of its "defaulted" bonds via an international reverse auction. Economic policies under the CORREA administration - for example, an announcement in late 2009 of its intention to terminate 13 bilateral investment treaties, including one with the United States - have generated economic uncertainty and discouraged private investment. China has become Ecuador's largest foreign lender since Quito defaulted in 2008, allowing the government to maintain a high rate of social spending; Ecuador contracted with the Chinese government for more than $9.9 billion in forward oil sales, project financing, and budget support loans as of December 2013. Foreign investment levels in Ecuador continue to be the lowest in the region as a result of an unstable regulatory environment, weak rule of law, and the crowding-out effect of public investments. In 2013, oil output marginally reversed a declining trend and production is expected to increase slightly in 2014, although prices will likely remain lower than in previous years. Faced with a 2013 trade deficit of $1.1 billion, Ecuador erected technical barriers to trade in December 2013, causing tensions with its largest trading partners. Ecuador also decriminalized intellectual property rights violations in February 2014.
$157.6 billion (2013 est.)//$151.5 billion (2012 est.)//$144.2 billion (2011 est.)
4% (2013 est.)//5.1% (2012 est.)//7.8% (2011 est.)
$10,600 (2013 est.)//$9,600 (2012 est.)//$9,200 (2011 est.)
26% of GDP (2013 est.)//21.3% of GDP (2012 est.)//19.7% of GDP (2011 est.)
bananas, coffee, cocoa, rice, potatoes, cassava (manioc, tapioca), plantains, sugarcane; cattle, sheep, pigs, beef, pork, dairy products; fish, shrimp; balsa wood
48.5 (December 2013)//50.5 (December 2010)
calendar year
8.17% (31 December 2011)//8.68% (31 December 2010)
8.7% (31 December 2013 est.)//8.17% (31 December 2012 est.)
$8.59 billion (31 December 2013 est.)//$7.801 billion (31 December 2012 est.)
$27.75 billion (31 December 2013 est.)//$24.68 billion (31 December 2012 est.)
$25.4 billion (31 December 2013 est.)//$22.5 billion (31 December 2012 est.)
$5.911 billion (31 December 2012 est.)//$5.779 billion (31 December 2011)//$5.263 billion (31 December 2010 est.)
$17.89 billion (31 December 2013 est.)//$17.3 billion (31 December 2012 est.)
$6.33 billion (31 December 2012 est.)//$6.33 billion (31 December 2011 est.)
-$827.1 million (2013 est.)//-$177 million (2012 est.)
$25.48 billion (2013 est.)//$24.65 billion (2012 est.)
US 37.3%, Chile 8.1%, Peru 6.5%, Japan 4.5%, Russia 4.5%, Colombia 4% (2012)
petroleum, bananas, cut flowers, shrimp, cacao, coffee, wood, fish
$26.22 billion (2013 est.)//$24.58 billion (2012 est.)
US 28.4%, China 11.3%, Colombia 8.8%, Peru 4.5% (2012)
industrial materials, fuels and lubricants, nondurable consumer goods